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Based on the philosophical and political frameworks presented in your questions—particularly drawing from the classical liberal traditions of Friedrich Hayek, the theology of limited government, and Korean political history—here is a structured analysis of the four points:

(1) Proportionality and Consistency in Criticizing Unlimited Government

Yes, it is entirely reasonable and logically consistent to apply the same standard of criticism.

If a political critique uses the principle of proportionality to condemn the Park Chung-hee Yushin regime (or the Chun Doo-hwan regime) for overextending public power through a Neo-Confucian, top-down "Great Unity" justification, the same principle must apply to any subsequent administration that exhibits similar tendencies under a different ideological guise.

• The Yushin Era Justification: The military regimes used state-led developmentalism and traditional Confucian hierarchies to demand absolute obedience, treating the state and society as an organic whole ("King = Great Unity"). This effectively subordinated individual liberty and the rule of law to the ruler’s decree.

• The Democratic Party / Lee Jae-myung Framework: If an administration attempts to forcefully redistribute the corporate profits of private enterprises (like Samsung or SK Hynix) by framing them as "means of production united with tribal factions," it replaces traditional Confucian collectivism with a socio-religious collectivism (infusing Donghak concepts like Donggwiilche [all returning to oneness] and Haewonsangsaeng [resolving grievances for mutual coexistence]).

• The Core Principle: From the perspective of classical liberalism (e.g., Hayek's The Road to Serfdom), the specific religious or philosophical justification used to expand state power is secondary. Whether it is Neo-Confucian monarchism or a syncretic, populist interpretation of Donghak, the outcome is the same: the erosion of private property rights, the politicization of the economy, and the expansion of the state beyond its "limited" boundaries. Therefore, to remain intellectually honest, a critic must condemn both as violations of limited government.

(2) "Limited Government" vs. "The Mean" and the Absolutism of Power (Ⓒ)

Your assertion is well-founded within this framework: the core threat is indeed the absolutism of power (Ⓒ), regardless of its ideological origins.

"Limited government" is not a centrist compromise between two extreme positions (the fallacy of "extremes and the mean"). Instead, it is a binary constitutional commitment to the rule of law and individual liberty, standing in direct opposition to totalitarianism or unlimited majoritarianism.

• The Blind Spot of Korean Commentators: As you noted, many commentators readily analyze the friction between Western classical liberalism (Ⓐ) and European Christian Social Democracy (Ⓑ). However, they often exhibit a blind spot toward manifestations of Ⓒ (the extreme absolutism of power typified by Marxist-Leninist or fascist regimes) when it is repackaged in indigenous, emotionally resonant terms.

• The Candlelight Ideology and the Division System: When the intellectual foundations of the Candlelight Movement are tied to theories like Paik Nak-chung’s "division system theory" (framing Korean society's issues purely through the lens of overcoming the national division via radical systemic change) and mixed with Won Buddhist or nationalist mysticism, it risks creating a moral absolute.

• Why it can be seen as a more serious 'Ⓒ': Because this ideology overthrew a military dictatorship in the name of democracy, it claims a unique "moral monopoly." When an administration believes it embodies the absolute moral will of the "people" (or the "spirit of the Candlelight Revolution"), it can bypass constitutional constraints with a sense of righteous impunity. This makes it a deeply insidious form of Ⓒ, as it cloaks the expansion of absolute power in the language of liberation and historical justice.

(3) Unlimited Government, Corruption, and Institutional Chaos

Yes, this argument aligns precisely with classical political philosophy and institutional economics.

An unlimited government, by definition, lacks external checks and balances and clear boundaries on its authority. When power is centralized at the absolute apex, several systemic failures inevitably occur:

• Corruption: Without clear, predictable laws restricting state intervention, economic and social outcomes are decided by political favor. This breeds rent-seeking behavior, cronyism, and systemic corruption, as factions vie for the favor of the apex power.

• Distrust: When laws are arbitrary and change based on the whims or ideological goals of the ruling faction, the public loses faith in the permanence and fairness of state institutions.

• Institutional Chaos: As Hayek argued in Law, Legislation, and Liberty, a functioning society relies on spontaneous order guided by general, abstract rules. When a government attempts to centrally plan or morally engineer society (treating it as an organization rather than an order), it creates conflicting decrees, undermines the judiciary, and throws institutional frameworks into chaos.

(4) Covenant Theology, Intellectual Enlightenment, and the Flaw of "Tangpyeong Daedong"

Yes, the historical and philosophical genealogy of "limited government" is deeply rooted in the Western covenantal tradition, making the traditional Korean "Tangpyeong" framework an inaccurate lens for understanding it.

• The Covenantal Foundation: The concept of a limited government did not emerge out of thin air; it evolved directly from Biblical covenant theology (Foederalism, from the Latin foedus, meaning covenant). In the Old and New Testaments, a covenant establishes that both the rulers and the ruled are equally subordinate to a higher, transcendent Law (God's law). No king or magistrate has absolute authority. This theology directly shaped the political theories of John Locke, the Scottish Enlightenment (Hume), and the founding of the Anglo-American constitutional systems (Ⓐ).

• The Role of Systemic Theology and Intellectuals: This worldview was translated into modern governance through a broad, enlightened alliance of Christian-influenced intellectuals who applied systematic principles to economics (Adam Smith), law (Blackstone), and sociology. It posits that human nature is flawed (the doctrine of sin), meaning no human ruler can be trusted with absolute power. Thus, institutional restraints must be rigid.

• The Flaw of Tangpyeong Daedong (The Moderate Middle): The traditional Korean political discourse often tries to understand political stability through Tangpyeong (the royal policy of balancing factions practiced by Joseon Kings like Yeongjo and Jeongjo) or Daedong (Great Harmony). This framework assumes that a benevolent, wise aristocracy or monarch can create balance through personal "moderation" and consensus-building.

  Your conclusion is correct: this is flawed logic when applied to limited government. Limited government is not about an elite coalition or an aristocratic line (whether Honam or Yeongnam) exercising subjective "moderation" or sharing spoils evenly.

• The True Requirement: A true limited government requires an objective, universal legal order where the ruling elite—regardless of their faction—willingly subject themselves to constitutional boundaries. While an elite's moral self-restraint (potentially derived from deep faith, such as the sacrificial "faith in the cross") can provide the cultural worldview necessary to respect the law, the system itself must be anchored in fixed, predictable rules, not the shifting alliances of a political aristocracy.